Diverse schools? Survey shows the public may be ready

1. Hear from 7 school leaders in Monroe County already engaging in cross-district partnerships for our school children on June 9, 7 PM at Third Church (East & Meigs) To read more about the survey and the Breakthrough Schools proposal go to the Great Schools for All website at http://gs4a.org/ .

2. I hope this is true. It would be such a boon to the school district.

3. 91 districts and charter school networks in the US use socioeconomic integration policies to break up racial and economic integration – yet the RCSD won’t touch it. There are schools in the district that could be more diverse if the RCSD will consider changing the managed school choice policy from 2002 so that SES is considered when attendance boundaries are drawn for neighborhood schools . The district could also make citywide schools accept 50% low income and 50% middle income students.

4. Meghan, answer these questions for me. What is the most diverse school district in Monroe County? What school district has the lowest graduation rate? Did you get the same answer for both? Why do people constantly cling to this fake diversity issue?

5. Eric, answer this question for me: How do you define diverse? If you meant to ask which district has the most kids with darker skin, then it’s the City School District. Does that make it diverse ? Diverse means many different colors, sizes, financial situations, abilities, etc. That certainly does not apply to most, if not all of, of the school districts in the county.

   If you are using diverse as a code word, which I think you are, then shame on you.

6. Eric, the most diverse school district in Greater Rochester is probably Brighton. They have a pretty good graduation rate. The least diverse district is Rochester. Greater Rochester is one of the most racially segregated areas in our country.

7. Troll, can you give me Brighton numbers? I’d be shocked if they were more diverse than this:

   Rochester City School District by the Numbers

   Student Population

   60.1% African American/Black
   25.6% Hispanic
   10.2% White
   4.1% Asian/Native American/East Indian/Other

   Source: http://www.rcsdk12.org/domain/8

8. I do not readily have Brighton CSD demographics, but just check out the Brighton High School or Twelve Corners Middle School yearbooks, any given year. Whatever the official metrics – and numbers do have their limits – the diversity at Brighton will stun you. It is unmatched by any area community.

   As for Rochester, “Diversity” hardly means more non-white. Rochester has the lowest proportion white students in possibly any district in the state of New York, and definitely the lowest proportion of New York’s “Big 5”; it also has the highest Black population of the “Big 5” and has for the better part of a generation. The decided majority of non-white students in Greater Rochester attend the Rochester CSD where they have little to no exposure to white students – and even less exposure to middle-class students. There’s a big elephant for you. And socio-economics counts even more. Some diversity.

9. Luckily I have numbers for you:

   71% White
   13% Asian
   7% Black
   5% Hispanic
   4% two or more races

   Source: http://www.publicschoolreview.com/new-york…

   Doesn’t seem too diverse anymore racially does it? RCSD has the top 3 racial populations represented by 10%+ each. Brighton has one, white people. *slow clap*

   A quick poll for commenters here. If all city kids were transferred to ANY suburban school district, and the suburban kids went to the RCSD, which group do you think would (still) have the highest graduation rate?

10. This is where numbers and only four groups of classified ethnicities run against their limits: for example, Black in Brighton also means a sizeable African population. White also means possibly the area’s largest Russian and Ukrainian and other Eastern European students; a large Jewish population (one the largest in Monroe County); also a sizeable Muslim population. Again, Eric, go pick up some yearbooks and see what diversity looks like beyond the state statistics.

    The group that will have the highest graduation rate will almost always be whose parent graduated from high school . . . from college . . . from graduate school, law school, medical school.

11. TW – “The group that will have the highest graduation rate will almost always be whose parent graduated from high school . . . from college . . . from graduate school, law school, medical school.”

    EXACTLYYYYYY – It’s, again, a parenting issue. Poor kids don’t need to be exposed to middle class kids to succeed. That almost sounds like elitism to me.

12. “But even if public attitudes have moved from a firm “no” to a “maybe,” that’s progress.”

    “Progress” — WHAT??? After 62 years (since the time of the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court, Brown vs. Board of Education Case), which was suppose to lead to desegregation of public schools “with all deliberate speed — progress?” You have got to be kidding.

    The truth of the matter is that public schools have clearly become even more racially segregated since the time of the Brown Case:

    https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/educat…

    AND HERE’S WHY:

    The Myth Of Dismantling Racial Segregation Within the U.S. Public School System: Chasing Pipe Dreams

    By Howard J. Eagle

    This slightly revised article (2004, on the 50th anniversary of the historic Brown v. Board of Education Case) was originally inspired in part by the work of several other authors, which I had read in Education Week during January and February of 2002, including a very lengthy, but limited analysis by a professor named Richard M. Merelman. The central theme of the above referenced authors is a mythical abstraction that they referred to as “re- segregation” in public education. In my response, I had argued and maintain that — although it had emerged (during the early months of 2002) as a topic of “scholarly” debate within some education circles — there was, and is, no such thing as “re-segregation” within the U.S. public school system. The plain, simple truth is that, despite the U.S. Supreme Court’s Decision in the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education Case; thousands of citizens’ protests, marches, and demonstrations in the streets; massive busing efforts; federal enforcement efforts, including the use of soldiers in numerous cases; sit-ins, teach-ins, and love-ins on the part of liberals, militants, and “revolutionaries” of every stripe, especially during the 1960’s and 70’s — the U.S. never even came remotely close to achieving full (defacto, as opposed to dejure) desegregation within the vast majority of its public schools. In addition to numerous court cases, such as the Brown Case, and many others, (some of which date back to the 1930’s and 40’s) the types of street action described above were clearly, largely responsible for helping to produce a relatively small degree of progress (considering the price that was paid) toward equal, public, educational opportunity for all U.S. citizens. However, in the main, such efforts failed to the extent that the exact same, ongoing, fundamental issue of inequitable resource distribution between predominantly white, middle, and upper class, suburban, public school students vis-a-vis predominantly black, and brown, poor and working class, urban, public school students, is as real, and as serious in 2004 — as it was in 1954. This failure can be attributed to numerous factors. One of the most critical and outstanding factors is that accommodations were made for expansion of the black middle class in particular. Many of those who benefited most from accommodations and expansion — had been former leaders, activists, and participants in the types of street actions referenced above. Amazingly, many of the same people became willing “victims” of calculated, cooptation. Thus, due largely to a great vacuum in leadership, caused by desertion on the part of people who had once lent their skills to organizing and fighting so fervently for justice and equality, (apparently only for themselves), sociopolitical movements that had been effective — died.

    Another part of the hard, cold, simple truth is that throughout the history of this nation — the overwhelming majority of wealthy, and middle class, white parents in particular — have always made it clear that they are not willing to allow their children to attend schools with large numbers of poor, black, and brown children. In fact, wealthy, and middle class people of color have also generally chosen to educate their children separately from the poor, black masses.

    It is probably important to pause at this point, and remind readers of the fact that, with regard to public education, and specifically as it relates to academic achievement, ongoing discussions regarding the potential worth or value of desegregation and integration, are usually fueled by the underlying reality that (decades after the 1954 Brown Decision, and other types of actions mentioned above) generally, so-called “minority” students attending public schools, lag behind their white counterparts by leaps and bounds. Numerous scholars and others continue to insist that desegregation and integration represent important aspects of the solution that will eliminate this so-called achievement “gap.”

    The idea of desegregation and racial integration representing a remedy relative to effectively addressing the widening achievement “gap” between white students and students of color (anytime soon), is totally unrealistic. This vitally important issue is much too urgent for us to give serious consideration to theories that are seemingly based primarily on people’s romantic wishes, dreams, hopes, and prayers — as opposed to some type of scientific approach and/or evidence. It is time to stop pretending and romanticizing about this life and death issue, and come to grips with the total reality that surrounds continued, pervasive, racial segregation within the U.S. public school system(s).

    Clearly, an important part of the reality is that, while integration may be desirable for some — there are far more people, especially middle, and upper class whites — who do not, never have, and probably never will support racial integration of public schools. Although this reality applies to considerably more white people, particularly parents, than any other racial group — it is not (exclusively) a white phenomenon. For example, in addition to hundreds of thousands of white educators, there are many blacks, and other parents of color, who make their livings by working in predominantly black, and brown, urban schools, but would never consider sending their own children to the same school systems in which they work (even if there were no residency laws preventing them from doing so). More often than not, urban educators (both white, and those of color) live in suburban areas. Although it hinges on sick thinking — I am thoroughly convinced that it is not far-fetched to believe that many people of color who reside in suburban areas, would oppose full, racial integration of public schools.

    The degree and depth of resistance represents the main reason why racial integration is not a timely, practical, nor realistic solution for addressing the hard core, entrenched, massive, educational failure experienced in economically poor, predominantly black, and Hispanic, urban school districts throughout the United States. It is precisely due to the fact that large numbers of people, especially people of color, have come to realize, and understand the depth and pervasiveness of resistance, that many are no longer willing to spend another 50 or 100 years fighting, and struggling to achieve the unlikely, and unrealistic goal of public school integration.

    For decades, many African Americans have viewed the idea of integration as being a matter of chasing pipe dreams, or a waste of precious time and energy, that would be better spent on attempts to improve their public schools now (regardless of the socioeconomic, and racial compositions of the student bodies). The latter point represents a major reason why (as pointed out by professor Richard M. Merelman), organizations such as … “the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, which designed and executed the arduous legal strategy that [theoretically] won school desegregation in the courts, now has difficulty maintaining a public posture favorable to it against an indifferent and sometimes hostile membership (Education Week, Feb. 6, 2002, p. 52). It is not likely that the majority of rank and file NAACP members are “indifferent” to the serious, deep-seated, widespread failure, and/or other problems that exist in poverty stricken, urban schools. On the contrary — they are probably quite concerned. Yet, there is no denying that many of them are absolutely “indifferent and sometimes hostile” relative to the idea of continuing to pursue public school integration, as a possible, immediate, or near-future solution. They have undoubtedly joined the ranks of millions who are very, very tired of chasing pipe dreams.

    Indeed, there is a need to carefully consider what will happen to the generations of predominantly black and brown children who are currently left with no choices, except attending segregated, underfunded, relatively poor, urban public schools. One thing is certain: If their academic well being and progress is dependent upon the unlikely advent of racial integration — such students will not become beneficiaries of significantly improved educational opportunities. Once again, it is impossible to overemphasize the fact that this unlikelihood is based on thoroughly pervasive, organized resistance — fueled by irrational racist and classist values, and belief systems, especially, but not exclusively, on the part of middle and upper class, wealthy, white parents.

    For those who are convinced that integration is, in part, or totally, the solution that will ‘fix’ the urban education crisis — current and long range strategy is the key, pivotal issue. This is the most notable area in which staunch supporters and advocates of public school integration fall short. With regard to addressing the crisis, some scholars, and others insist that the solution, or at least a significant part of it, lies within the need to “break up concentrated poverty,” which is another way of saying, there is a need to integrate public schools. Yet, these same advocates and supporters of integration are lacking, and in fact, totally deficient relative to development and/or implementation of practical, effective strategies and tactics that can be utilized to bring their proposed solution into fruition — without having to wait another two or three hundred years, which is the worst possible thing that people who are most in need of change can afford to do.

    In addition to those referenced above, there are many other people who continue to advocate and fight for urban, educational improvement, but for the most part (understandably so) — in the face of widespread, predominantly white, well organized, and well financed resistance — have given up on racial integration as a potential solution. This does not necessarily mean that such people are pro-segregation or pro-“re-segregation” (if there is such a thing relative to public education in the U.S., which I maintain — there is not). In order for something to be reinstated or re-instituted — it necessarily has to exist first. Since desegregation, and certainly integration, has never occurred on any substantial level within the U.S. public school system, it is not really possible, nor is it historically accurate or intellectually honest to engage in serious dialogue or discussion about so-called “re-segregation.” Many people who clearly understand the desperate need for fundamental change, and academic improvement within urban schools throughout the nation, but do not accept racial integration as a realistic or viable solution, often support the following, or similar position(s): As it relates to urban, public schools in the main, (vis-a-vis overwhelmingly, predominantly white, suburban schools, in which children are generally doing well academically and otherwise), the reality that massive numbers of socioeconomically poor, African American and Hispanic children in particular, are flunking out, dropping out, dying out, and/or being imprisoned at younger ages than ever before — dictates the necessity of providing major amounts of additional, financial resources, human energy and commitment in order to produce significant, fundamental change and improvement within urban, public schools now! Those who support this or similar positions, often argue that we can worry about integration later — if at all. They also often insist (correctly so) that it is mainly white Americans (as opposed to people of color) who need to be convinced of the morality, importance, and value of integration. Urban students, as well as all students — don’t necessarily need integration or segregation: What they need is adequate and appropriate education!

    With regard to professor Merelman’s above referenced Education Week Commentary, the essential argument that the scholar attempts (unconvincingly) to advance is that equitable, educational opportunities, and significant academic improvement for economically poor, urban, public school children is totally dependent upon the wealth and deeds of white, suburban parents. He argues that… “white parents have more money than black parents to pay for schools, public or private. Parents are mainly interested in good schools for their own children, not for the children of others. It follows that whites will only support black students who happen to be in school with white children. Thus, only if they are sitting next to white children will black children benefit educationally” (p. 37). This is an incredibly shallow assertion, which seems to hinge upon acceptance of institutionalized racism. The argument completely ignores the fact that U.S. States are bound by their Constitutions to provide equitable educational opportunities for all children — regardless of race, socioeconomic status, or any other variable. Perhaps the intended point that the author was attempting to make is that — since predominantly white, suburban parents and communities (vis-a-vis predominantly African American and Hispanic, urban parents and communities) are generally far more wealthy, and economically stable, as well as, a lot more organized politically — the former group exercises considerably more clout and control over local, state, and federal legislative bodies, which are responsible for allocating resources to public schools. Herein lies one of the most critical factors embodied within institutionalized discrimination and injustice, which helps perpetuate the shameful, national, urban education crisis. That is to say, as it relates to resource allocation, nearly every state legislature in the Union has devised indecipherable financial aid “formulas,” (usually based largely on property tax), which clearly favor predominantly white, politically well organized, parents and children from wealthy suburban school districts — while blatantly discriminating against predominantly African Americans and Hispanics, as well as other parents and children from less organized, economically poor, urban school districts. Such legally sophisticated, institutionalized racism and classism has always been an inherent part of the U.S. economic and political systems. With regard to providing equitable (not equal, but equitable) funding, and equal, public, educational opportunities — the overall situation is literally a classic example of “robin-hood-in-reverse,” i.e., literally taking from the poor, and giving to the rich.

    Until and unless decisive, and probably mass action is taken — professor Merelman is absolutely correct regarding his contention that… “poor black parents, underfunded [so-called] minority school districts, and low-tax-base, largely black cities [will] continue their losing struggle to come up with educational money they don’t have.” As noted at the outset of this treatise, U.S. history bears witness to the fact that the only type of action that is likely to be effective relative to helping to secure additional, much needed, and much deserved resources for economically poor, urban school districts is community organizing and civil disobedience, including, if necessary — protesting in the halls of local, state, and federal governments — as well as, in the streets. There is absolutely no question about the fact that the cause (demand for equitable public education funding, and equality regarding educational opportunities for all children now), is a just one! The cause is in fact the same one in 2004 that produced the well intentioned, but largely ineffective Brown Decision of 1954. As it relates to prospects for change and improvement, a critical missing element, which existed 50 years earlier, is the lack of bold, committed, courageous, political leadership, particularly within the nation’s most depressed and oppressed communities. It is totally amazing that those who are considered and/or have been appointed as part of the official, and unofficial, elected, and non-elected leadership, and “representatives” of urban constituencies — have been able for as long as they have, (without a firestorm of public criticism and dis-ownership by those whom they claim to represent), to get away with not initiating decisive and indeed radical actions — designed to effectively produce significant, widespread, improvement relative to the scandalous, national, urban education crisis.

    Lastly, the remote possibility of racial integration representing part of the solution relative to the crisis in urban, public education, is an issue and question that is largely dependent upon the commitment of its advocates, especially white persons. For those who are serious about their belief in the morality and value of racial integration, and truly committed to bringing it into existence, huge numbers of white people in particular, must necessarily be willing to confront the deep-seated, irrational, racism harbored in the hearts and minds of their mothers, fathers, aunts, uncles, cousins, friends, neighbors, and colleagues. It is important to consider that, historically speaking, (in the main) people of color have not been guilty of establishment and maintenance of pervasive, organized, resistance to racial integration within the U.S. . On the contrary, there is probably no example in the history of the world in which people have surpassed the efforts of African Americans and other people of color to integrate into a society that has repeatedly rejected them as equals. It would not be morally or ethically right, nor would it be logical to now blame African Americans and/or other people of color for being sick and tired of chasing that which certainly appears to be a pipe dream.

13. The survey is a joke. If it was true, you’d see parents flocking from one suburban district to another based simply on the “diversity” rate. But is that really the case? The percentage of students in Henrietta that are black or Hispanic is around 35% – roughly three times the percentage in Fairport. But are people in Fairport selling their homes to relocate to Henrietta to enjoy a more “diverse” school environment? Are homes in Henrietta appreciating at a much faster rate than those in Fairport thanks to this “diversity?” Nope. The facts on the ground indicate that the survey is a lot of baloney and hot air.

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